XV. Evolution of Democratic System in Pakistan — Pakistan Affairs

📂 START HERE — How This Page Is Organised

No child pages here — read the sections below in order, then the solved past papers at the end.

📺 Directly Relevant YouTube Lecture Sources

Liaquat Ali Khan Era (1947–1951) — Liaquat era and the Objectives Resolution
Political Instability Era (1951–1956) — 1951–56: factional politics (CSS 2022 Q4)
Ayub Khan Regime — Part I (1958–1962) — Ayub: first martial law and Basic Democracies
Political History 1988–1999 — Decade Between Two Martial Laws — 1988–99: dismissed governments
PPP's Third Tenure (2008–2013) — 2008–13: first full civilian term (CSS 2017 Q8)
Current Tenure — Coalition Governments (2022–Present) — 2022–present: the polity today (CSS 2024 Q2)

📖 What to learn in order

Foundational Weaknesses (1947-1958)
Cycles of Military Rule vs Civilian Rule
Key Democratic Reforms
Persistent Structural Challenges
Positive Trajectory Markers
Past-Paper Style Questions
Argument Bank
Constitutional journey
Causes of democratic weakness
Signs of consolidation
Current concerns (2024–26)
Theory
Answer Outline (20 marks)
Exam angle

CSS answer alignment: connect the note to the question's command word, dates, causal explanation and alternative view. Review actual papers before practice questions.

Foundational Weaknesses (1947-1958)

No constitution until 1956 (9 years delay) — political instability from the start
Frequent PM changes (7 PMs in first decade) — weak party institutionalization
Bureaucracy & military filled political vacuum

Cycles of Military Rule vs Civilian Rule

Pattern: civilian govt → instability/crisis → military intervention → managed transition → civilian govt again
1956, 1962, 1973 constitutions reflect repeated attempts to reset democratic framework
1973 Constitution — first with broad political consensus; parliamentary federal system; still in force (heavily amended)

Key Democratic Reforms

18th Amendment (2010) — landmark: removed presidential power to dissolve assemblies (58-2-b), devolved subjects to provinces (education, health), strengthened parliament
Election Commission reforms — gradual strengthening of ECP independence & electoral processes
Local government systems — repeatedly introduced (Ayub's Basic Democracies, Musharraf's 2001 LG system, 18th Amendment mandates) but inconsistently implemented

Persistent Structural Challenges

"Hybrid regime" critique — civilian governments operating under military oversight/influence
Weak intra-party democracy — dynastic/personality-based parties (PPP-Bhutto, PML-N-Sharif)
Judicial interventions periodically reshaping political landscape (e.g., disqualifications)
Continued civil-military tension post-2022 (PTI-military conflict, 2024 election controversies)

Positive Trajectory Markers

2013 — first civilian-to-civilian democratic transition via elections
Increasing voter turnout & political awareness, especially among youth
Growing media & judicial assertiveness (though contested)

Practice Questions (not actual FPSC papers)

"Why has democracy failed to take root in Pakistan? Suggest measures for its consolidation."
"Discuss the evolution of the democratic system in Pakistan with reference to the constitutions of 1956, 1962 and 1973."
"Democracy in Pakistan: a hybrid regime?"

Argument Bank

Constitutional journey

Government of India Act 1935 (interim) → Objectives Resolution (1949) → 1956 (parliamentary, abrogated 1958) → 1962 (presidential, Basic Democracies) → 1973 (parliamentary federal).
Swings between parliamentary and presidential forms: 8th (1985) and 17th (2003) Amendments tilted power to the President; 13th (1997) and 18th (2010) restored parliamentary supremacy.

Causes of democratic weakness

Early loss of leadership (Jinnah 1948, Liaquat 1951).
Delay in constitution-making; bureaucratic-military oligarchy (Ghulam Muhammad, Iskander Mirza).
Feudal and tribal social structure; low literacy.
Weak, dynastic parties without internal democracy.
Security state and external alliances strengthening the military.
Judicial legitimisation of coups (doctrine of necessity: Maulvi Tamizuddin 1955, Dosso 1958).
Economic crises and corruption narratives used to justify intervention.

Signs of consolidation

Three consecutive completed parliamentary terms (2008–13, 2013–18, 2018–23).
Stronger ECP (Elections Act 2017), active media and civil society.
18th Amendment and NFC as federal bargains.

Current concerns (2024–26)

Disputed 2024 elections; restrictions on the main opposition party; 26th and 27th Amendments; shrinking civic space (PECA 2025).

Theory

Hybrid regimes / competitive authoritarianism (Levitsky & Way); democratic consolidation as "the only game in town" (Linz & Stepan).

Answer Outline (20 marks)

Introduction — democracy as envisioned by Jinnah; thesis.
Constitutional evolution (1947–1973).
Cycles of military and civilian rule.
Reforms and milestones.
Causes of weakness.
Current state (2024–26) — hybrid regime debate.
Way forward — civilian supremacy, strong local government (Article 140-A), electoral reform, party democracy, independent judiciary, economic stability.
Conclusion.

Exam angle

Show real progress: 18th Amendment, peaceful transfers.
Acknowledge fragility: hybrid regime, dynastic politics.

✍️ Model Answer (20 marks)

Question: Why has democracy failed to take root in Pakistan? Trace the evolution of its democratic system and suggest measures for democratic consolidation.

Outline

Introduction
Evolution of the democratic system
Causes of democratic weakness
Signs of consolidation
Current challenges (2024–26)
Way forward
Conclusion

1. Introduction

The Quaid envisioned a democracy built on Islamic justice and equality.
Instead: repeated coups and short-lived civilian governments.
Today: a "hybrid regime" — elected governments under strong non-elected influence.
Thesis: democracy has neither collapsed nor consolidated — it is a work in progress.

2. Evolution of the Democratic System

1947–58: the Government of India Act 1935 served as the interim constitution. The Objectives Resolution was passed in 1949. Seven Prime Ministers served in eleven years; the first constitution came only in 1956 and was abrogated in 1958.
1958–71: Ayub Khan's 1962 presidential constitution with indirect elections through Basic Democracies; Yahya Khan held the 1970 elections, the first on universal adult franchise, but refused to transfer power, leading to 1971.
1973: the first consensus constitution, parliamentary and federal.
1977–88 and 1999–2008: military rule; the 8th (1985) and 17th (2003) Amendments shifted power to the President.
1988–99: four elected governments dismissed before completing their terms.
2008 onwards: the 18th Amendment (2010) restored parliamentary democracy; three consecutive assemblies completed their terms (2008–13, 2013–18, 2018–23).

3. Causes of Democratic Weakness

Early loss of leadership: Jinnah died in 1948 and Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated in 1951, leaving a vacuum.
Delay in constitution-making allowed the bureaucracy (Ghulam Muhammad, Iskander Mirza) to dominate.
Security state: the threat from India and Cold War alliances strengthened the military's institutional weight.
Judicial legitimisation: the doctrine of necessity (Maulvi Tamizuddin 1955, Dosso 1958, Nusrat Bhutto 1977, Zafar Ali Shah 2000).
Weak political parties: dynastic leadership, no internal democracy, patronage politics.
Social structure: feudal and tribal power, low literacy, poverty.
Economic crises: used to justify interventions and caretaker arrangements.
Absence of local government: democracy stopped at the provincial level.

4. Signs of Consolidation

Peaceful electoral transfers of power in 2013 and 2018.
The 18th Amendment and the 7th NFC Award strengthened federalism.
A strengthened Election Commission (Elections Act 2017).
The first successful no-confidence vote (2022) showed parliament using constitutional means.
Vibrant media, civil society and politically aware youth.

5. Current Challenges (2024–26)

Allegations of rigging in the February 2024 elections.
Restrictions on the main opposition party and its imprisoned leader.
The 26th and 27th Amendments, criticised for weakening judicial independence and formalising the military's role.
Shrinking civic space: PECA amendments (2025) and internet restrictions.

6. Way Forward

A Charter of Democracy 2.0 among parties and institutions, committing to civilian supremacy and non-interference.
Electoral reform: an independent ECP, transparent result management, electronic tools with safeguards.
Internal party elections and merit-based candidate selection.
Empowered local governments under Article 140-A.
An independent judiciary with transparent appointments.
Civic education and restored student unions to build a democratic culture.
Economic stability to reduce the space for extra-constitutional pressure.

7. Conclusion

Democracy in Pakistan has survived repeated shocks and made real gains: electoral continuity, federalism and a more assertive citizenry. But the balance between elected and non-elected institutions remains unsettled. Consolidation will require more than elections: it needs strong parties, independent institutions and a political culture in which democracy is, in Linz and Stepan's phrase, "the only game in town".

📝 CSS Past Papers 2014–2026 — This Chapter (Solved)

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Asked so far: 9 subjective questions (2017, 2018, 2020, 2022 ×2, 2023, 2024 ×2, 2025), which makes this the most-asked chapter after Ideology · 35 MCQs on early political and constitutional history, set in every year from 2014 to 2025. Questions about "firsts", such as the first Governor General, Prime Minister, Speaker or martial law, are almost certain to appear.

2024–2026 MCQs are from the FPSC papers with original options. 2014–2023 MCQs come from published answer keys (the FPSC copies only contain Part-II), so their options are rewritten but the keyed answer is kept and checked.

Part-I — Past MCQs

Constitution-making (1947–1973)

1. (CSS 2016) Pakistan's first Law Minister, who presided over the first session of the Constituent Assembly as temporary chairman, was:

(A) Jogendra Nath Mandal
(B) A.K. Brohi
(C) Sir Zafrullah Khan
(D) Tamizuddin Khan
✅ (A) Jogendra Nath Mandal — Scheduled-Caste leader from Bengal; chaired the 10 August 1947 session before Jinnah was elected on 11 August.

2. (CSS 2016) The person who helped Liaquat Ali Khan draft the Objectives Resolution was:

(A) Maulana Maududi
(B) Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani
(C) Mufti Muhammad Shafi
(D) Allama Shibli
✅ (B) Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani — leading Deobandi scholar in the League; later led the Quaid's funeral prayer.

3. (CSS 2025) The Objectives Resolution was presented in the Constituent Assembly by Liaquat Ali Khan on:

(A) 7 February 1949
(B) 7 March 1949
(C) 7 April 1949
(D) None of these
✅ (B) 7 March 1949 — adopted 12 March 1949; became Article 2-A through the 8th Amendment (1985).

4. (CSS 2021) The Bogra Formula (1953) is also known as the:

(A) Parity Formula
(B) Constitutional Formula
(C) One Unit Formula
(D) Basic Principles Formula
✅ (B) Constitutional Formula — Bogra, October 1953; two houses with East–West parity in total seats.

5. (CSS 2014) Who dissolved the first Constituent Assembly?

(A) Iskander Mirza
(B) Khawaja Nazimuddin
(C) Ghulam Muhammad
(D) Liaquat Ali Khan
✅ (C) Malik Ghulam Muhammad (24 October 1954) — upheld by Justice Munir's Federal Court in Maulvi Tamizuddin (1955).

6. (CSS 2018) Elections to the second Constituent Assembly were held on:

(A) 28 May 1955
(B) 21 June 1955
(C) 23 March 1956
(D) 7 October 1958
✅ (A) 28 May 1955 as keyed (verify — indirect elections completed June 1955).
- 80 members; framed the 1956 Constitution.

7. (CSS 2018) Pakistan became an Islamic Republic in:

(A) 1949
(B) 1956
(C) 1962
(D) 1973
✅ (B) 1956 — first Constitution, in force 23 March 1956.

8. (CSS 2024) What was the official language declared in the 1956 Constitution?

(A) Urdu
(B) Bengali
(C) Hindi
(D) Both (A) & (B) [printed "(A) & (A)"]
✅ (D) Both Urdu and Bengali — Article 214; English for twenty years; result of the Bengali Language Movement.

9. (CSS 2016) The 1970 general election was held under the:

(A) 1962 Constitution
(B) Legal Framework Order (LFO)
(C) Government of India Act 1935
(D) PCO 1969
✅ (B) LFO 1970 (30 March 1970) — one person, one vote; One Unit dissolved; 120 days to frame a constitution.

10. (CSS 2022) Pakistan's first general election (direct, adult franchise) was held in:

(A) March 1954
(B) December 1970
(C) March 1977
(D) January 1965
✅ (B) December 1970 — NA on 7 December, provinces on 17 December.

11. (CSS 2019) The One Unit scheme was abolished in:

(A) 1962
(B) 1969
(C) 1970
(D) 1971
✅ (C) 1970 — effective 1 July 1970 (announced November 1969); created 14 October 1955.

Firsts & office-holders

12. (CSS 2019) The second Governor General of Pakistan was:

(A) Ghulam Muhammad
(B) Khawaja Nazimuddin
(C) Iskander Mirza
(D) Liaquat Ali Khan
✅ (B) Khawaja Nazimuddin (Sept 1948–Oct 1951).

13. (CSS 2015) The politician who served as both Governor General and Prime Minister was:

(A) Liaquat Ali Khan
(B) Khawaja Nazimuddin
(C) Ghulam Muhammad
(D) Muhammad Ali Bogra
✅ (B) Khawaja Nazimuddin — GG 1948–51; PM 1951 until dismissed (1953).

14. (CSS 2014) How many Prime Ministers did Pakistan have till 1958?

(A) Five
(B) Six
(C) Seven
(D) Eight
✅ (C) Seven — Liaquat, Nazimuddin, Bogra, Ch. Muhammad Ali, Suhrawardy, Chundrigar, Noon.

15. (CSS 2018) Khawaja Nazimuddin was succeeded as PM by:

(A) Chaudhry Muhammad Ali
(B) Muhammad Ali Bogra
(C) H.S. Suhrawardy
(D) I.I. Chundrigar
✅ (B) Muhammad Ali Bogra (April 1953) — brought in from his post as Ambassador to the US.

16. (CSS 2016) The Bengali Prime Minister from September 1956 to October 1957 was:

(A) Khawaja Nazimuddin
(B) Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy
(C) Nurul Amin
(D) A.K. Fazlul Haq
✅ (B) H.S. Suhrawardy (Awami League) — resigned under pressure from Iskander Mirza.

17. (CSS 2017) The seventh Prime Minister of Pakistan was:

(A) I.I. Chundrigar
(B) Malik Feroz Khan Noon
(C) Nurul Amin
(D) Chaudhry Muhammad Ali
✅ (B) Malik Feroz Khan Noon (Dec 1957–Oct 1958) — Gwadar acquired from Oman (1958).

18. (CSS 2017) The first (and only) Vice President of Pakistan was:

(A) Nurul Amin
(B) Fazal Elahi Chaudhry
(C) Khan Abdul Qayyum
(D) Mahmud Ali
✅ (A) Nurul Amin — VP 20–27 December 1971; PM briefly 7–20 December 1971.

19. (CSS 2024) The first Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly constituted under the 1962 Constitution was:

(A) Sardar Bahadur Khan
(B) Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy
(C) Syed Fakhar Imam
(D) Ghulam Haider Wyne
✅ (A) Sardar Bahadur Khan — Ayub Khan's brother.

20. (CSS 2018) The last Speaker of the National Assembly of united Pakistan was:

(A) Fazlul Qadir Chaudhry
(B) Abdul Jabbar Khan
(C) Tamizuddin Khan
(D) Fazal Elahi Chaudhry
✅ (B) Abdul Jabbar Khan (1965–69), a Bengali.

21. (CSS 2018) The President of the Republican Party (formed in 1956) mentioned in the key was:

(A) Dr Khan Sahib
(B) Abdul Jabbar Khan
(C) Iskander Mirza
(D) Feroz Khan Noon
✅ (B) Abdul Jabbar Khan as keyed.
- ⚠️ Verify — the party was founded by Dr Khan Sahib with Mirza's backing, to keep the League out.

22. (CSS 2018) The first Chief Minister of Sindh after independence was:

(A) G.M. Syed
(B) Muhammad Ayub Khuhro
(C) Pir Ilahi Bakhsh
(D) Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah
✅ (B) Muhammad Ayub Khuhro as keyed.
- ⚠️ Hidayatullah was Premier in August 1947 but became Governor; Khuhro became CM on 15 August.

23. (CSS 2022) The first Governor of the Punjab after independence was:

(A) Sir Francis Mudie
(B) Sardar Abdur Rab Nishtar
(C) Iftikhar Mamdot
(D) Sir Evan Jenkins
✅ (A) Sir Francis Mudie (1947–49) — Mamdot was first CM; Jenkins the last pre-partition Governor.

24. (CSS 2025) Who was the first Governor of East Pakistan (East Bengal)?

(A) Nurul Amin
(B) A.K. Fazlul Haq
(C) Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman
(D) None of these
✅ (D) None of these — it was Sir Frederick Bourne (1947–50); first CM was Nazimuddin.

25. (CSS 2024) Abdur Rab Nishtar was the first of Pakistan.

(A) Interior Minister
(B) Defence Minister
(C) Communication Minister
(D) None of these
✅ (C) Communication Minister — later Governor of Punjab (1949–51). First Defence Minister: Liaquat himself.

26. (CSS 2017) Quaid-e-Azam's funeral prayer was led by:

(A) Maulana Zafar Ahmad Usmani
(B) Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani
(C) Maulana Ehtisham-ul-Haq Thanvi
(D) Pir of Manki Sharif
✅ (B) Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani — Karachi, 12 September 1948.

27. (CSS 2015) Pakistan's 2013 general elections were held on:

(A) 18 February 2013
(B) 11 May 2013
(C) 25 July 2013
(D) 10 October 2013
✅ (B) 11 May 2013 — first elected-to-elected transfer.
- Other dates: 18 Feb 2008, 25 July 2018, 8 Feb 2024.

Laws, conspiracies & martial laws

28. (CSS 2022) PRODA (Public and Representative Offices Disqualification Act) was passed in:

(A) 1947
(B) 1948
(C) 1949
(D) 1954
✅ (C) 1949 (January, Liaquat) — used to disqualify politicians; replaced by EBDO (1959).

29. (CSS 2015) The person convicted in the Rawalpindi Conspiracy Case (1951) was:

(A) Faiz Ahmad Faiz
(B) Habib Jalib
(C) Sajjad Zaheer
(D) Both A and C
✅ (A) Faiz Ahmad Faiz as keyed — plot led by Maj. Gen. Akbar Khan against Liaquat.
- Sajjad Zaheer was also convicted — pick "both" if offered.

30. (CSS 2016) The Chief Minister who banned "gold and guns" in NWFP in 1947 was:

(A) Dr Khan Sahib
(B) Abdul Qayyum Khan
(C) Sardar Aurangzeb
(D) Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
✅ (B) Abdul Qayyum Khan as keyed — League CM after Dr Khan Sahib's dismissal (August 1947).

31. (CSS 2014) The first martial law in Pakistan was imposed by:

(A) Ayub Khan
(B) Iskander Mirza
(C) Yahya Khan
(D) Ghulam Muhammad
✅ (B) Iskander Mirza (7 October 1958) — abrogated 1956; made Ayub CMLA; Ayub removed him on 27 October.
- Earlier: limited martial law in Lahore (1953) under Gen. Azam Khan.

32. (CSS 2022) The Prime Minister at the time of the first martial law (1958) was:

(A) I.I. Chundrigar
(B) Feroz Khan Noon
(C) H.S. Suhrawardy
(D) Ch. Muhammad Ali
✅ (B) Malik Feroz Khan Noon.

33. (CSS 2021) Pakistan's second martial law was imposed in:

(A) 1958
(B) 1965
(C) 1977
(D) 1969
✅ (D) 1969 — Yahya, 25 March 1969, after Ayub resigned.

34. (CSS 2017) How many Basic Democrats formed the electoral college for the 1965 presidential election?

(A) 40,000
(B) 60,000
(C) 80,000
(D) 1,20,000
✅ (C) 80,000 (40,000 per wing) — Ayub beat Fatima Jinnah, 2 January 1965.

35. (CSS 2016) We Have Learnt Nothing From History was written by:

(A) Air Marshal Asghar Khan
(B) Gen. K.M. Arif
(C) Altaf Gauhar
(D) Mushahid Hussain
✅ (A) Air Marshal Asghar Khan — founded Tehrik-e-Istiqlal; also wrote Generals in Politics.

Part-II — Past Subjective Questions

1. CSS 2017 Q8 — How did general elections in 2002, 2008 and 2013 strengthen democracy in Pakistan? (20)

Outline

Introduction
The general election of 2002
The general election of 2008
The general election of 2013
How these elections strengthened democracy
Limitations
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction

Between 2002 and 2013 Pakistan held three general elections in a row, each followed by a parliament that completed its full term. This had never happened before, and it gave democracy a degree of continuity that the country had long lacked.

2. The general election of 2002

It was held on 10 October 2002 under General Musharraf, because the Supreme Court in the Zafar Ali Shah case had given him three years to restore democracy.
The PML-Q formed the federal government, and the MMA, an alliance of religious parties, won power in KP.
A graduation requirement was imposed on candidates, and 60 reserved seats for women were restored.
The National Assembly completed its term for the first time since 1977, although democracy remained limited and closely managed.

3. The general election of 2008

It took place on 18 February 2008, shortly after Benazir Bhutto's assassination on 27 December 2007.
The PPP formed the federal government and the PML-N formed the government in Punjab.
Facing impeachment, Musharraf resigned in August 2008, and the deposed judges were restored in 2009.
The 18th Amendment and the 7th NFC Award were passed during this term.
It became the first civilian government to complete a full five-year term.

4. The general election of 2013

It was held on 11 May 2013 and produced the first transfer of power from one elected government to another.
The PML-N won, and the PTI emerged as a major new force.
Turnout was about 55 per cent.
An Election Commission strengthened by the 18th and 20th Amendments organised the election, and caretaker governments were appointed by consensus.

5. How these elections strengthened democracy

Parliaments completed their terms one after another.
Important constitutional reforms were passed, including the 18th, 19th and 20th Amendments.
The judiciary became more independent and the media more free.
Power changed hands peacefully.
The provinces gained substantial autonomy.

6. Limitations

The 2013 election was followed by allegations of rigging and the long sit-in of 2014.
The balance between civilians and the military remained uneven.
Neither Prime Minister Gilani nor Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif completed his term, as both were disqualified by the courts in 2012 and 2017.
Parties remained dominated by families.
Terrorist attacks disrupted election campaigns, especially in 2013.

7. Conclusion

The elections of 2002, 2008 and 2013 did not make Pakistan's democracy perfect, but they created a habit of continuity. Together they marked the longest period of uninterrupted civilian rule in the country's history.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2017 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)

2. CSS 2018 Q4 — Describe the political system of Pakistan. Which form of government is suitable to make the country politically stable? (20)

Outline

Introduction
The political system of Pakistan
Pakistan's experience with different forms of government
The case for the parliamentary system
The case for the presidential system
The suitable form and necessary reforms
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction

Pakistan has experimented with both parliamentary and presidential forms of government, yet political stability has remained elusive under each of them. The question is which form suits the country best.

2. The political system of Pakistan

Under the 1973 Constitution, Pakistan is a federal parliamentary democracy.
The President is the head of state with largely ceremonial powers. The Prime Minister and the cabinet hold executive power and are answerable to the National Assembly.
Parliament, called the Majlis-e-Shoora, has two houses: the National Assembly and the Senate.
There are four provinces with their own governments and assemblies.
The judiciary is independent, the country has a multi-party system and elections are run by the Election Commission.

3. Pakistan's experience with different forms of government

Parliamentary government operated from 1947 to 1958, from 1973 to 1977, from 1988 to 1999 and again since 2008.
Ayub Khan's Constitution of 1962 set up a presidential system, and under Zia and Musharraf the President's power to dismiss governments under Article 58-2(b) created a mixed, presidential-style system.

4. The case for the parliamentary system

It was the choice of all parties in 1973 and again in the 18th Amendment.
It suits a diverse federation, because the cabinet can include members from every province.
The government is answerable to Parliament every day.
Smaller provinces fear that a directly elected president would always come from the most populous province.
The experience of East Pakistan shows the dangers of concentrating power at the centre.

5. The case for the presidential system

Supporters argue that a fixed term would bring stability, and that a president could appoint expert ministers from outside Parliament.
Pakistan's own experience, however, shows that presidential rule concentrated power in one person and alienated the smaller provinces.

6. The suitable form and necessary reforms

A federal parliamentary system remains the most suitable form for Pakistan, provided that it is reformed.
Political parties should hold genuine internal elections.
Parliamentary committees should be strengthened.
Elections should follow a fixed calendar and be run by an independent Election Commission.
Local governments should be empowered.
Civilian supremacy should be respected by every institution.

7. Conclusion

Pakistan's instability has come less from the form of government than from the way it has been practised. A parliamentary democracy supported by strong institutions is the system best suited to the country's diversity.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2018 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)

3. CSS 2020 Q6 — Discuss the main features of the political culture of Pakistan. (20)

Outline

Introduction
Main features of Pakistan's political culture
Causes
Positive changes
Recommendations
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction

Political culture refers to the attitudes, beliefs and values that people hold about politics. Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba classified political cultures as parochial, subject or participant. Pakistan's political culture is a mixture of the subject and participant types.

2. Main features of Pakistan's political culture

Personality and family politics. Parties revolve around individual leaders and their families.
Patronage. In rural areas, landlords, tribal chiefs, pirs and biradari networks decide how many people vote.
Weak parties. Most parties lack internal democracy and organisation.
Confrontation. Politics is seen as a zero-sum contest in which opponents are enemies.
The role of the establishment. The military remains an important political actor.
Low tolerance. Dissent is often treated as disloyalty.
Identity politics. Ethnic and sectarian loyalties shape voting.
Corruption. Votes are often exchanged for jobs and favours.
Street agitation. Sit-ins and protests are regularly used to pressure governments.
Judicialisation. Political disputes are frequently taken to the courts.
Polarisation. Social media has deepened political divisions.
Religion. Religious slogans and parties play a significant part in politics.

3. Causes

The colonial legacy of authoritarian administration.
The early deaths of the founding leaders.
Repeated military rule.
Low literacy and widespread poverty.
A feudal social structure in much of the countryside.

4. Positive changes

A growing urban middle class and many young people are taking part in politics.
The media is more active and diverse than in the past.
Women are playing a larger political role.
Since 2008 power has changed hands peacefully through elections.

5. Recommendations

Civic education should be taught in schools.
Parties should practise internal democracy.
Local governments should be strengthened as nurseries of political leadership.
Electoral reforms should reduce the influence of money and patronage.
Parties should agree on common rules of conduct, as in the Charter of Democracy of 2006.

6. Conclusion

Pakistan's political culture is slowly moving from a subject culture towards a participant one. The pace of that change will depend on education, stronger institutions and a willingness among political leaders to accept one another's legitimacy.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2020 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)

4. CSS 2022 Q2 — Discuss the role of regional and nationalist political parties in Pakistani politics. How far are these parties necessary for the political system? (20)

Outline

Introduction
The main regional and nationalist parties
Their positive role
Their negative role
Are they necessary for the political system?
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction

Alongside the national parties, Pakistan has many parties whose support is based in a particular region or ethnic group. They have played a significant part in the country's politics, sometimes constructive and sometimes divisive.

2. The main regional and nationalist parties

The Awami National Party, which represents Pashtun nationalism.
Baloch parties such as the BNP-Mengal, the National Party and the Balochistan Awami Party.
Sindhi nationalist groups, including the Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz.
The MQM, which represents Urdu-speaking voters in urban Sindh.
The Pashtunkhwa Milli Awami Party, the Grand Democratic Alliance and Saraiki parties.
Movements such as the PTM, and the JUI-F, whose support is concentrated in KP and Balochistan.

3. Their positive role

They give a voice to ethnic and regional grievances that national parties often neglect.
They pressed hard for provincial autonomy, which was achieved through the 18th Amendment, and for renaming NWFP as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
As coalition partners, they give smaller provinces a share in national power.
They bring discontent into Parliament, which is far better than leaving it to armed insurgents.
They keep the federation responsive to the needs of its units.

4. Their negative role

They can deepen ethnic divisions.
Some have been linked with violence, as in Karachi during the 1980s and 1990s.
Boycotts of elections and assemblies have sometimes weakened the democratic process.
A narrow regional focus can come at the expense of national interests.
A few have used secessionist rhetoric.
Small parties sometimes use their position in coalitions to extract unfair concessions.

5. Are they necessary for the political system?

In a federation of many ethnic groups, such parties are necessary because they represent identities and interests that national parties may overlook.
Without them, grievances would be pushed outside Parliament, as the experience of 1971 shows.
They must, however, work within the limits of the Constitution and respect national unity.

6. Conclusion

Regional and nationalist parties act as a safety valve for Pakistan's federal system. The real answer to their divisive tendencies lies in national parties that are strong enough to win support everywhere and broad enough to accommodate regional voices.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2022 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)

5. CSS 2022 Q4 — Evaluate the factional politics of the early years (1947–58) and its impact on the democratic process of Pakistan. (20)

Outline

Introduction
Decline of the Muslim League
Factionalism in the provinces
Instability at the centre
The rise of the bureaucracy and the army
Impact on the democratic process
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction

The death of the Quaid-e-Azam in 1948 and the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan in 1951 left Pakistan without leaders of national stature. In the vacuum that followed, politics became a struggle between factions, and the democratic process suffered lasting damage.

2. Decline of the Muslim League

The party that had won Pakistan quickly lost its popular base.
Many of its leaders had migrated from India and had no constituencies of their own.
It split into rival groups, and in the East Bengal election of 1954 the United Front won 223 of the 237 Muslim seats, reducing the League to a handful.

3. Factionalism in the provinces

In Punjab, the rivalry between Iftikhar Mamdot and Mumtaz Daultana led to Governor's rule in 1949.
In Sindh, chief ministers such as Ayub Khuhro were repeatedly dismissed and reinstated.
In the North-West Frontier Province, Abdul Qayyum Khan ran an authoritarian government.
In East Bengal, the language crisis turned public opinion against the central leadership.

4. Instability at the centre

Pakistan had seven Prime Ministers in eleven years.
Governor General Ghulam Muhammad dismissed Prime Minister Nazimuddin in 1953, even though he had a majority in the Assembly, and dissolved the Constituent Assembly in 1954.
The Republican Party was created in 1956 to keep the Muslim League out of power, and members changed sides for personal gain.

5. The rise of the bureaucracy and the army

Former civil servants such as Ghulam Muhammad, Iskander Mirza and Chaudhry Muhammad Ali reached the highest offices.
The Army Commander-in-Chief, General Ayub Khan, joined the cabinet as Defence Minister in 1954.

6. Impact on the democratic process

The first constitution was delayed until 1956.
No general election was held in the whole period.
PRODA was used to disqualify political opponents.
One Unit and the principle of parity were imposed on the provinces.
East Pakistan became increasingly alienated.
The way was opened for martial law in October 1958, and the courts set a precedent with the doctrine of necessity.

7. Conclusion

Factional politics in the early years weakened political parties and allowed unelected institutions to take control of the state. Its legacy of weak parties and military dominance continues to shape Pakistani politics.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2022 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)

6. CSS 2023 Q5 — The evolution of democratic system has always remained a dilemma in Pakistan; even after more than seven decades the democracy could not get its roots. Discuss in detail. (20)

Outline

Introduction
Phases of democratic evolution
Why democracy has not taken root
Positive developments
Way forward
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction

More than seventy-five years after independence, democracy in Pakistan is still fragile. Elected governments have repeatedly been removed, and the military has ruled directly for long periods.

2. Phases of democratic evolution

1947 to 1958. A parliamentary system operated amid constant instability.
1958 to 1971. Ayub Khan and then Yahya Khan ruled under martial law or a presidential system.
1971 to 1977. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto led an elected government until he was overthrown.
1977 to 1988. General Zia-ul-Haq ruled under martial law and a controlled system.
1988 to 1999. Four elected governments were dismissed in what was called the "decade of democracy".
1999 to 2008. General Musharraf held power.
2008 onwards. Elected governments have followed one another, though with strong influence from the establishment.

3. Why democracy has not taken root

Historical factors. The Muslim League was weakly organised in the areas that became Pakistan, its leaders died early and the first constitution was long delayed.
Civil-military imbalance. Four coups have produced about 33 years of direct military rule.
The courts. The doctrine of necessity was used to validate unconstitutional actions in 1955, 1958, 1977 and 2000.
Feudalism and dynasties. Landed and political families dominate parties and constituencies.
Weak parties. Most parties do not practise internal democracy.
Social conditions. Low literacy and widespread poverty leave voters dependent on patrons.
Divisions. Ethnic and sectarian divides weaken national politics.
External support. Foreign powers, especially the United States in the 1950s, 1980s and 2000s, supported military rulers.
Elections. Most elections have been disputed, and the Election Commission has often been seen as weak.
Polarisation. Bitter rivalry between parties and the frequent involvement of the courts in political disputes have undermined trust.

4. Positive developments

Power has changed hands through elections in 2008, 2013, 2018 and 2024.
The 18th Amendment restored the parliamentary character of the Constitution.
The media and civil society are more active than ever before.

5. Way forward

Political parties should agree on a new Charter of Democracy.
Civilian supremacy should be respected by all institutions.
Electoral and party reforms should make elections credible and parties democratic.
Local governments should be empowered.
Accountability should apply equally to everyone.
A consensus on economic policy would reduce the pressures that destabilise governments.

6. Conclusion

Democracy in Pakistan has shallow roots, but they are growing. Continuity of elected governments, combined with reform of political and state institutions, is the only way to deepen them.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2023 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)

7. CSS 2024 Q2 — Political stability remains an elusive concept in Pakistan. Explore the factors contributing to the fractured nature of Pakistan's polity and discuss potential reforms to the constitutional and political structure that could foster stability. (20)

Outline

Introduction
Factors behind the fractured polity
Constitutional reforms
Political and electoral reforms
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction

No Prime Minister of Pakistan has ever completed a full five-year term. The country has experienced four martial laws, and almost every election since 1977 has been disputed. The crisis of 2022 to 2024, which included a no-confidence vote, the violence of 9 May 2023 and a contested election in 2024, showed that political stability is still out of reach.

2. Factors behind the fractured polity

History. The early loss of the founding leaders left a gap that was never properly filled.
Civil-military imbalance. The military has ruled directly or exercised strong influence through "hybrid" arrangements.
Weak parties. Parties are built around personalities and families.
Confrontational politics. Rivals treat each other as enemies and sometimes invite non-democratic forces to intervene.
Disputed elections. Allegations of rigging followed the elections of 1977, 1990, 2013, 2018 and 2024.
The courts. The disqualification of Prime Ministers in 2012 and 2017, the Article 63-A ruling of 2022 and the controversy over the 26th and 27th Amendments have drawn the judiciary into politics.
Shifting constitutional balance. The 8th, 13th, 17th and 18th Amendments moved power back and forth between the President and the Prime Minister.
Economic crises. Inflation and repeated balance-of-payments crises weaken every government.
Regional grievances. Balochistan, Sindh and the merged districts feel neglected.
Polarisation. Social media has deepened divisions and spread misinformation.
External factors. Foreign powers have at times supported military rule.

3. Constitutional reforms

Article 6 should be enforced, and Parliament should exercise real oversight of defence.
Judges should be appointed through transparent procedures that address the concerns raised by the 26th and 27th Amendments.
The Election Commission should be fully independent, with a protected budget and consensus appointments.
Local governments under Article 140-A should have constitutional protection, fixed terms and guaranteed funds.
Elections should be held on fixed dates, and the powers and duration of caretaker governments should be limited.
Article 63-A on defections should be clarified.
The Council of Common Interests should function properly, and the NFC Award should be fair.

4. Political and electoral reforms

Parties should hold intra-party elections supervised by the Election Commission.
A new Charter of Democracy should commit all parties to accept election results and to keep unelected institutions out of politics.
A Charter of Economy should keep key economic policies stable across governments.
A mixed electoral system, with some proportional representation, could reduce winner-takes-all politics.
Parliamentary committees should be strengthened.
Accountability should be carried out by an independent and impartial body.
Disinformation should be tackled without restricting free speech.
A national dialogue could help reduce polarisation.

5. Conclusion

Political instability in Pakistan has many causes, and no single reform will remove them. Stability will come when institutions are credible and when all political actors accept the same rules of the game.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2024 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)

8. CSS 2024 Q4 — The democratization process in Pakistan is still weak and ambiguous. Do you consider dynastic politics and feudalism the major hindrances to establishing a true democratic system in Pakistan? Explain. (20)

Outline

Introduction and stance
Dynastic politics in Pakistan
Feudalism in Pakistan
How they hinder democracy
Other hindrances
Evaluation
Reforms
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction and stance

Democracy requires free elections, accountable leaders and citizens who are equal before the state. In Pakistan, political power is concentrated in a small number of families and in a landed elite that controls rural votes. Dynastic politics and feudalism are therefore major obstacles to true democracy, though they are not the only ones.

2. Dynastic politics in Pakistan

The PPP has passed from Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to Benazir Bhutto, Asif Ali Zardari and Bilawal Bhutto Zardari.
The PML-N is led by Nawaz Sharif, Shehbaz Sharif and Maryam Nawaz.
The Chaudhrys of Gujrat lead the PML-Q, Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman's family dominates the JUI-F, and Bacha Khan's descendants have led the ANP.
Research by PILDAT and others shows that a large share of legislators come from political families.

3. Feudalism in Pakistan

Land ownership is highly unequal, especially in Sindh, southern Punjab and Balochistan, where the sardari system persists.
Landlords and tribal chiefs are "electables" who can deliver the votes of their tenants.
The land reforms of 1959, 1972 and 1977 largely failed, and a Federal Shariat Court judgment in 1990 weakened land reform further.

4. How they hinder democracy

Parties have no internal democracy, so leadership is inherited rather than earned.
Ordinary citizens cannot compete with wealthy and powerful families.
Politics revolves around patronage rather than policies.
Local police and revenue officials are used to control voters.
Influential families resist agricultural income tax and land reform.
Dependent voters cannot easily punish poor performance.
Poverty and illiteracy, which sustain this dependence, are allowed to continue.
Democracy comes to be seen as a system run by and for elites.

5. Other hindrances

Military interventions and the doctrine of necessity.
Disputed elections.
Weak institutions and a politicised bureaucracy.
Poverty and ethnic divisions.
Foreign support for military rulers, who themselves relied on feudal politicians.

6. Evaluation

Dynastic politics and feudalism distort representation and block reform. They are also, however, products of a political system repeatedly interrupted by military rule, which prevented programme-based parties from developing. Urbanisation, the spread of media and the rise of new parties show that their hold is gradually weakening.

7. Reforms

Intra-party elections should be held under the supervision of the Election Commission.
Land ceilings should be enforced and agricultural income taxed.
Local governments should be elected and funded, so that new leaders can emerge.
Campaign spending limits should be enforced.
Education and economic opportunities for rural voters should be expanded.
Police and revenue administration should be reformed.
Civilian supremacy and credible elections should be secured.

8. Conclusion

Dynastic politics and feudalism are among the most serious obstacles to genuine democracy in Pakistan. They thrive, however, in a system weakened by military rule, poor institutions and poverty. Only broad institutional reform can turn elite rule into government by the people.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2024 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)

9. CSS 2025 Q8 — Is media a curse or blessing? Critically evaluate its role in shaping public opinion and influencing political events in Pakistan in the 21st century. (20)

Outline

Introduction and stance
The growth of media in the 21st century
Media as a blessing
Media as a curse
The media's role in major political events
Constraints on media freedom
Recommendations
Conclusion

Answer

1. Introduction and stance

The media is often called the fourth pillar of the state. In Pakistan it has been both a force for accountability and a source of division. Whether it is a blessing or a curse depends on how professional it is, how it is regulated and how critically the public consumes it.

2. The growth of media in the 21st century

The PEMRA Ordinance of 2002 opened broadcasting to private companies, and more than a hundred private television channels now operate.
Tens of millions of Pakistanis use social media, and many political commentators now work through YouTube.

3. Media as a blessing

It has exposed corruption and poor governance.
Its live coverage of the Lawyers' Movement from 2007 to 2009 helped restore the judiciary.
It has spread awareness during polio campaigns, the Covid-19 pandemic and natural disasters such as the floods of 2010 and 2022.
It has given a voice to women, minorities and the families of missing persons.
It has encouraged political participation, especially among the young.
Pakistani dramas and music have won audiences abroad.

4. Media as a curse

The race for ratings encourages sensationalism and unverified "breaking news".
Partisan channels and online echo chambers have deepened political polarisation.
Fake news, propaganda and deepfakes spread quickly.
Media trials prejudge cases before the courts.
Careless live coverage of terrorist attacks has at times helped the attackers.
Owners' business interests and advertisers influence content.
Hate speech and incitement occasionally go unchecked.

5. The media's role in major political events

Television channels were taken off air during the emergency of November 2007.
Media coverage drove the Memogate affair of 2011 and the Panama Papers case of 2016 and 2017.
Round-the-clock coverage shaped public views of the 2014 sit-ins.
Coverage of the 2018 and 2024 elections was marked by controversy and censorship.
In 2022 social media carried the "cipher" narrative to millions, and on 9 May 2023 it helped mobilise protesters.
During the conflict with India in May 2025, both countries fought an intense information war online.

6. Constraints on media freedom

PEMRA has banned channels and restricted coverage of certain leaders.
Journalists face threats and violence, as the killing of Arshad Sharif in 2022 showed.
PECA of 2016 and its 2025 amendments criminalise "false information".
X was blocked from February 2024 to May 2025.
Pakistan ranks low on international press freedom indices.

7. Recommendations

PEMRA should be made independent and professionally led.
The Protection of Journalists and Media Professionals Act of 2021 should be enforced.
Media houses should adopt codes of ethics and set up fact-checking desks.
Media literacy should be taught in schools and universities.
Social media regulation should target coordinated disinformation, not dissent.
Government advertising should be distributed transparently.
Right to Information laws should be strengthened.

8. Conclusion

In 21st-century Pakistan the media has empowered citizens and exposed wrongdoing, but it has also spread misinformation and deepened divisions. A free and responsible media is a blessing for democracy, while a captured or reckless one does it harm.

Full 20-mark answer: CSS 2025 — Pakistan Affairs Paper (Solved)