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Internal Water Politics and the Future

9 min read

External water politics — the IWT, India's upstream projects — get most of the attention. But Pakistan's deepest water problems are internal: how the four provinces share the Indus, why storage capacity has stagnated for fifty years, and how climate change is changing the calculus.

Inter-provincial water sharing — the 1991 Accord

Until 1991, Pakistan had no agreed framework for distributing Indus water between its provinces. Disputes regularly required ad hoc federal arbitration.

The Water Apportionment Accord, 1991, signed by all four provincial chief ministers on 16 March 1991 at a Council of Common Interests meeting under PM Nawaz Sharif, allocated water for the kharif and rabi seasons:

ProvinceAnnual share (MAF, approx.)
Punjab55.94
Sindh48.76
Khyber Pakhtunkhwa5.78 (plus 3.0 ungauged)
Balochistan3.87
Total apportioned~117.35 MAF
MAF (Million Acre-Feet)

The standard unit for measuring large volumes of water in South Asian irrigation. One acre-foot equals the volume of water needed to cover one acre to a depth of one foot — about 1,233 cubic metres. Pakistan's annual river flows average 140-145 MAF before withdrawals.

The Accord also created the Indus River System Authority (IRSA) as the implementing body. IRSA allocates daily flows to provincial canals and adjudicates among them.

Recurring disputes

Despite the Accord, water politics remain contentious:

Key Points
  • Sindh's position: as the lower riparian, it argues it bears the brunt of shortages and that Punjab over-draws during low-flow periods. The "tail-end" problem leaves Sindh's coastal mangroves and Indus Delta starved of fresh water.
  • Balochistan's position: despite the lowest allocation, even that share is rarely delivered to provincial canal commands; the province depends heavily on groundwater.
  • Punjab's position: as the largest user, Punjab argues that Sindh under-utilises its share through inefficient delivery, and that Punjabi farmers cannot be denied water during scarcity if upstream supplies are available.
  • KP's position: small but stable allocation; main concerns are royalty on hydropower (Tarbela, etc.) under Article 161(2) of the Constitution.

The storage gap

Pakistan's live water storage capacity — the amount that can be held back in reservoirs — is approximately 14 MAF, or about 10% of annual river flow. This translates to roughly 30 days of water supply.

By comparison:

  • India: approximately 220 days of storage capacity.
  • United States: approximately 900 days.
  • Egypt: approximately 700 days (Aswan).
  • Global norm: 1-2 years of average river flow.

Storage is essential because Pakistan's river flows are highly seasonal — roughly 80% arrives in three monsoon months (June-September). Without storage, surplus monsoon water reaches the sea, while winter and pre-monsoon months face acute shortages.

Yet no major new dam has been completed since Tarbela (1976) until the ongoing Diamer-Bhasha and Mohmand projects. Why?

The Kalabagh Dam controversy

The Kalabagh Dam — proposed since the 1980s at the confluence of the Indus near Mianwali — would add about 6.1 MAF of storage and around 3,600 MW of hydropower. It has been at the centre of Pakistan's longest-running water dispute.

Punjab's case for:

  • Major net storage gain for the country.
  • Cheap and clean hydropower.
  • Reduced flood damage downstream.

The case against (from Sindh, KP, Balochistan):

  • Sindh fears further depletion of downstream flows reaching the Delta.
  • KP points to extensive submergence of Nowshera district and concerns about reservoir-induced flooding.
  • Balochistan worries that Kalabagh's water would primarily benefit central Punjab, not other provinces.
  • The provincial assemblies of Sindh, KP and Balochistan have passed resolutions opposing the dam.

Successive federal governments have shelved the project. Even technocrats who favour Kalabagh now concede it cannot be built without broad consensus — making Diamer-Bhasha (8.1 MAF) on the Indus in Gilgit-Baltistan the leading alternative.

Diamer-Bhasha and other large projects

  • Diamer-Bhasha Dam — foundation laid in 2011, expected completion in stages by 2028. Will provide 8.1 MAF storage and ~4,500 MW hydropower.
  • Mohmand Dam — on the Swat river in KP, ~1.2 MAF storage and 800 MW hydropower, under construction.
  • Dasu Dam — run-of-river hydropower (4,320 MW) on the Indus in KP, under construction since 2014.
  • Tarbela 4th and 5th Extensions — adding ~2,800 MW capacity at the existing dam.

Financing has been a persistent challenge — the World Bank has historically refused to fund Diamer-Bhasha citing Indian objections about the disputed status of Gilgit-Baltistan; Pakistan has relied on domestic financing and Chinese commercial loans.

Climate change and the cryosphere

The Hindu Kush-Karakoram-Himalaya (HKH) mountains feed the Indus. Their glacial mass is the largest outside the polar regions, and provides the dry-season base flow of the Indus.

Climate change is reshaping the system:

  1. Glacier retreat is accelerating, though Karakoram glaciers have shown anomalous stability ("Karakoram anomaly").
  2. Monsoon variability is increasing — both droughts and extreme floods (2010, 2022).
  3. The 2022 super-floods displaced 33 million people and caused over USD 30 billion in losses; the World Bank and IMF formalised "climate vulnerability" as part of Pakistan's macro frame thereafter.
  4. Sea-level rise is intruding salt water into the Indus Delta, damaging the Sindh coastal ecosystem and reducing arable land.

The 2022 monsoon season delivered rainfall up to 500% above the long-term average in Sindh and Balochistan. One-third of the country was inundated. Climate change is no longer a future risk — it is Pakistan's lived present.

Federal Flood Commission, 2022 floods rapid assessment report

Groundwater overdraft

Less visible than rivers but equally critical, groundwater supplies about 60% of Pakistan's irrigation and most of its drinking water in cities. Punjab's water table has been falling at 0.5-1 metre per year in many districts; Lahore's aquifer has dropped over 25 metres in the past three decades. Quetta's aquifer is in advanced depletion. There is no effective groundwater regulation regime.

What needs to change

Most water experts converge on a similar agenda:

Key Points
  • Build storage (Diamer-Bhasha, Mohmand and successor projects) and aggressively conserve existing capacity through silt management.
  • Reform irrigation pricing — Pakistan's abiana (water charges) recover only a fraction of operations and maintenance costs.
  • Line major canals to cut conveyance losses; promote high-efficiency irrigation (drip and sprinkler).
  • Regulate groundwater through licensing of tube-wells in stressed aquifers.
  • Strengthen IRSA and inter-provincial trust through transparent measurement, real-time flow data and clear scarcity-sharing protocols.
  • Climate-proof infrastructure against extreme floods and droughts.
  • Save the Indus Delta through guaranteed environmental flows below Kotri.

A useful CSS framing: "Pakistan is not yet a water-scarce country in absolute terms — it is a water-mismanaged country." The annual river flow is enough; what is lacking is storage, efficiency, regulation and trust. Strong answers offer specific reforms rather than rhetorical alarm.

The bottom line

Pakistan's water security has both an external dimension (IWT, climate, upstream India) and an internal dimension (provincial sharing, storage, efficiency, groundwater, governance). The internal challenges are larger and more within Pakistan's control. The next decade will determine whether Pakistan acts on them.

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Internal Water Politics and the Future — Pakistan Affairs CSS Notes · CSS Prepare